Lynn Walsh: Aden: Imperialism kicked out

[Militant No. 30, October 1967, p. 2]

by Lynn Walsh (Basingstoke C.L.P.)

Gone are the days when British Imperialism could withdraw from its colonies with “dignity”. The flags of the liberation movement are already flying throughout the Aden Federation in open defiance of British forces, despite the fact that the flag-hauling ceremony has been arranged for 9^th January 1968. The old policy of handing over to the political representatives of native landlord and capitalist elements in an attempt to secure a more viable base for continued exploitation, defence deals, etc. has come to a sticky end.

The states of the Federation are economically so impoverished that Britain has been unable to create even the shadow of a ruling class from amongst the feudal rulers and exploiters, sheltered and encouraged by British rule.

Faced with the necessity of cutting “East of Suez” commitments, far in excess of Britain’s real economic and political power internationally, and goaded forward by popular agitation in Aden itself, the Labour Government announced plans (in June last year) to hand over independence by January 1968.

Such a policy could not but be a failure. Within hours of George Brown’s announcement. a mutiny broke out in the Federal Army and Aden police force. Sparked off by an attempt to dismiss four colonels (the “progressive” leadership of the Army) and supported by the youth in these services. it shattered illusions in the Army support for a stooge regime based on the Sultans and Sheiks, most of whom had in any case been deposed or had fled the country.

By the end of August the British forces had completely lost control of the situation. The capitalist press in this country systematically tries to put the blame for the crisis on the “terrorists and agitators”. But however appaling the terrorism, it is only the reflex action in concentrated form of Britain’s 130 years rule by force and not least in the last few years.

For a Socialist Union

The Federation Government revealed its own impotence and lack of confidence when Sheik Babakr and the One other Federal minister who remained out of an original 17 resigned when the Army refused their request to step in to take control. The Army was not going to back a non-starter. Babakr admitted that, with 15 of the 17 states in nationalist hands the Federal Government was “gone with the wind”.

Endemic social crisis and the suppression of all legal Opposition to the regime, left the Adeni masses with no alternative but to support a liberation struggle to expel British Imperialism as a prerequisite to any progress on modern lines.

The situation is complicated, however, by the existence of two nationalist organisations: FLOSY and NLF.

At one time, FLOSY, the organisation strongly backed by Nasser, was undoubtedly at the head of the nationalist movement. It had strong support among the Trade Unions. In 1965 the Peoples Socialist Party was banned and its leader, Abdullah al-Asnag, also General Secretary of the

Aden TUC, joined FLOSY after his dismissal for demanding British withdrawal, and the subsequent suspension of the constitution.

In the last six months, however, the support of the nationalist movement seems to have moved decisively to the NLF. In recent weeks the NLF seems to have demonstrated its overwhelming support among the Trade Unions in Aden.

Originally a break-away from FLOSY, the NLF was. without the doubtful advantage of being tied to Egyptian aid, especially in view of Egypt’s defeat by Israel. The leaders, such as Quana Ashaabi, were underground in Aden, while most of FLOSY leaders were in exile. The refusal of FLOSY to recognise its rivals left the way open for the NLF.

The final eclipse of the ramshackle Federation Government last. Month forced the British Government to recognise the formerly banned NLF, and to attempt to negotiate. The NLF is in a position of strength. It has demanded complete withdrawal prior to negotiation, and Britain has already been obliged to withdraw from certain areas and release many political prisoners. Who will take over power from the British? That is the question now, and until the Federal Army stepped in to force a truce. FLOSY and the NLF were fighting it out on the streets.

The possible role of the Federal Army is a big uncertain factor. Until now it has given tacit support to the successful nationalist movement, while preserving a certain independence of movement. Under Britain’s former policy it would have received up to £60 million in military aid, but the sharp reversal of the policy puts a big question-mark over this. British imperialism has got the worst of both worlds: a complete collapse of its policy in Aden, and huge commitments to defend a position it no longer holds. The Federal Army is not going to back a loser. Now it is trying. to preserve the unity of the nationalist movement. Elements in its leadership may well see themselves as the arbiters of Aden’s future.

The victory of the nationalist movement, and the struggle for power within it, bring to the fore the question: on what basis will the Aden states become independent? National independence, as examples such as India, West Africa. East Africa, etc. show, will in itself solve none of the problems. Continued economic dependence on Britain and Western capitalism is no way out.

From the beginning the leaders of the nationalist struggle have had to justify the support of tribesmen. farmers, and Adeni workers. It is reported (Financial Times, 4. 9. 67) that the programme of the NLF “outlines the need for land reform and a state-run economy”.

The expropriation of the landlords and capitalist elements who have a vested interest in the existing social relations and connections with imperialism, is the prerequisite of economic and cultural development. Only if the policy of forcing the masses from the tutelage of landlordism and capitalism and socialising production were carried into the other states of the Middle East. could a development on democratic Socialist lines begin. Given integration of the Middle East economies and a common plan of production, free from the world market of capitalism, progress would be possible.

A link-up with the socialised economy of Syria, together with an appeal to the workers and peasants of the Arab states and Israel, would be a first step towards a Socialist Federation of the Middle East, the only alternative to the exploitation, oppression and intrigue of world imperialism in the area.