[Militant International Review, No. 31, Spring 1986, p. 14-18]
Eighty per cent of blacks who vote support Labour. But this instinctive class solidarity could ultimately give way to despair if the Labour leaders fail to offer a way forward.
Last summer’s inner-city upheavals highlighted the plight of the oppressed minorities. They also provided a fresh focus for the debate within the labour movement on its attitude towards Britain’s blacks.
For the last two years, the leaders of the Labour Party have largely preoccupied themselves with the constitutional wrangling over the formation of separate black sections. But this controversy is only a symptom of a much deeper problem. How can the labour movement win the active support of blacks?
The labour leaders have vehemently opposed the setting up of black sections, but their failure to offer any alternative will not have helped to overcome the scepticism with which many blacks look towards them. They could have seized on the disturbances as an opportunity to expose the bankruptcy of Thatcherism and point a real way forward.
But predictably, this was not done. Instead, Labour’s leaders, both left and right, confined their response to a call for yet another Scarman style public enquiry into the underlying ‚causes‘ of the upheavals. The problem however has never been one of identifying the ‚causes‘, alone but of explaining the solutions.
The right-wing Labour leaders, in effect, give credence to Thatcher’s racist jibes by allowing her to get away with the argument that the appalling social conditions created by the decline of capitalism and made worse by her government’s policies are not to blame. The Tories skilfully portrayed the riots as a purely „black problem“. According to Lord Hailsham, the riots were the result of „human wickedness”. It is no more the result of unemployment or urban deprivation than was Hitler’s antisemitism or Goebbels lies.“
But such slurs are only intended as a smokescreen to conceal the real effects of racial oppression. Despite their claims about pumping millions of pounds into the inner-city areas, the reality is that the policies of the present government have created virtual nightmare conditions for many of Britain’s blacks.
The authoritative Policy Studies Institute has carried out detailed research into the problems of Britain’s black minorities since 1966. Its most recent survey, published in 1984, showed that in many respects, the conditions under which black people live today are now much worse than in the 1960s.
While it is true to say that rising unemployment affects all sections of the working class, it is still black people who continue to suffer most. During the 1985 disturbances, it came to light that as many as nine out of ten young blacks in Handsworth, Birmingham were jobless. Moreover, most of them had never had a proper job and are not likely to ever find one under this system.
A similar situation exists in other areas of high black concentration. On the Broad Water Farm estate in Tottenham and in the Granby area of Liverpool 8, it is estimated that up to 80% of blacks under the age of 24 are unemployed. They too are never likely to find a job.
The misery and despair created by mass unemployment alone would probably be enough to account for the explosive anger which has been steadily accumulating among Britain’s young blacks. Yet, unemployment is only one of the problems contributing to the nightmare confronting the black population.
Systematic harassment
When black people first came to this country, they were forced to live in the most squalid, run down housing. Poverty and racism ensured that they were kept out of the more prosperous areas. Today, that position has remained virtually unchanged. Inner city areas like Brixton and Moss Side where blacks were initially forced to settle have now become ghettos. Like the notorious black ghettos of America, these areas are rife with despair, poverty, petty crime and drug-abuse. And, for most blacks, there is no escape. Even those blacks lucky enough to find employment invariably end up in the dirtiest, low paid jobs. The average male white worker in the north west, for instance, earns almost a third more than his black counterpart.
The prospect of a good „British education“ for their children was one of the considerations which motivated many blacks to emigrate to this country. Yet, it is black children who benefit least from the education system. Less than 0.5% of black pupils enter higher education, compared to 4% of whites. And 35% of blacks leave school with no qualifications whatsoever, compared to 27% of whites.
The problems of mass unemployment, poverty, slum housing and inadequate education, are merely the tip of the iceberg. Blacks have to contend with degrading racist abuse, insults and massive discrimination in the provision of social services and health care. Moreover the steadily worsening social conditions facing blacks has inevitably given rise to an unprecedented use of repressive measures designed to keep them in check.
The immigration laws are used to systematically terrorise the Asian community. Thousands of families remain permanently divided and many Asians live in constant fear of being ‚visited‘ by police and immigration officials. Many Asians are reluctant to claim the social benefits to which they are entitled because of a genuine fear that their names may get passed on to the police. A record number of blacks are now being deported, or arbitrarily „removed“.
Many Asian communities face the constant threat of racial violence from white mobs and they can hardly turn to the police because they, not their attackers, are the ones who invariably get thrown into police cells.
Despite the introduction of so-called „community policing“, black people, especially the youth, continue to suffer daily harassment on the streets and in their homes. It is virtually impossible to find a black family in Britain that has not had a direct experience of arbitrary police action.
It is estimated that almost a half of Britain’s blacks spend time in prison before they reach the age of 25. At present, 25 per cent of those committed to life sentences in prison are black; 40 per cent of inmates in borstals and detention centres are black, and though blacks account for less than three per cent of the population, 23 per cent of all British prisoners are black.
These figures graphically illustrate the extent of the repression directed against the most exploited sections of society. But it is precisely this repression, combined with the appalling social conditions which have significantly worsened over the last six years, that has prepared the way for the explosive anger and militancy of black people.
Virtually every section of the black population has entered into struggle at one time or another over the last 15 years. In the mid 1970s, Asian women, who are perhaps the most oppressed of all, went into action against the appalling conditions in the sweat shops. Asian and West Indian youth at that time responded in their thousands in the battle to drive the fascists off the streets. And now even black school children have entered the fray in a series of battles against racism in schools.
The upheavals of 1981 and again in 1985 reflect the rage of the most despairing sections of black youth. In the absence of any lead from the labour movement, those sections of the blacks who find themselves at the sharp end of the Tory attacks have vented their fury on a society which has condemned them.
But it would be a mistake to conclude that the industrial militancy of black workers or the political combativity of the youth has now given way to a mood of blind despair. Quite the contrary, black workers today are probably the most politically conscious section of the British working class.
Sections of the ruling class have, of course, been alarmed by the developing instability within the inner cities. Repeated outbursts of rioting and disorder can damage their international standing and prestige.
Real meaning of Scarman ‚reforms‘
But their greatest fear does not come from the riots. If anything, rioting and looting provides them with a useful pretext for the introduction of para-military style policing methods which can be used against class militants. A far more serious problem for the ruling class is the potential threat which is posed by an active and politically conscious black working class, The dramatic impact of looting and burning has tended to overshadow the rising militancy of a growing section of black workers who have entered into struggle. This militancy, and the struggle of blacks generally, can exercise a powerful influence on the rest of the working class. Oppressed minorities in capitalist society have always tended to play a disproportionate role in the class struggle. This was the case in Russia where Jews and other oppressed groups played a leading role in the revolution. And to some extent this process was partly demonstrated in the United States in the 1960s where the inchoate Black Power movement acted as the catalyst which triggered the anti-war rebellion among youth generally and the subsequent movement of women.
The same situation could apply to Britain, only more so. Here black workers are already closely aligned to the labour movement. Proportionately more blacks than whites are members of trade unions and a massive 80 per cent of blacks who vote support Labour. There are now more black shop stewards than at any time during the post war period. Black workers have played a key role in many of the most important industrial battles during the post-war period, particularly in the car industry, transport and the health service. The enormous affinity between blacks and the mineworkers during their yearlong strike will not have gone unnoticed. Hence, Enoch Powell’s reference to blacks as a „‚disaffected“ section of society who have no allegiance to “Queen and country“. In other words, the ruling class are fully conscious of the potentially revolutionary role blacks can play.
Even within the spontaneous uprisings, which are not in any sense organised movements, there has existed an instinctive desire for unity between the black and white youth who have taken part in those events. At no time in any of the riots, was there any serious racial conflict within the areas concerned, although this position could change in the future.
Partly in response to the riots, but more specifically out of a fear of the influence black workers can have on the movement of the working class, a section of the ruling class have from time to time toyed with the idea of finding a solution through a strategy of creating a black middle class as a way of heading off a black revolt which could quickly embrace a wider movement of the workers. This idea was first raised in a serious way in 1981 by Scarman and others who advocated the idea of giving blacks “a stake in society’“ through a form of positive discrimination. The hope was that Britain could repeat the strategy that was developed in America in the aftermath of the race riots in the 1960s.
‚Community leaders‘
Affirmative action or positive discrimination has led to the creation of a black middle class in America. However, these measures have meant little or nothing for the mass of American black workers and youth. A large proportion of American blacks still live in abject poverty and the levels of black unemployment are much higher today than in the 1960’s. And, in any case, it would be virtually impossible to repeat this strategy in Britain. For a start, affirmative action was carried through in the United States at a time when the economy was booming, with relatively full employment. This is not the position in Britain today, and, apart from a lack of resources, a strategy of positive discrimination could backfire and open up the prospect of serious racial conflict, giving rise to even greater instability within the inner-cities.
Of course the Tories made great play of the so-called reforms that were introduced in the post-Scarman period. But these were purely cosmetic, resulting in hardly any benefits for blacks, except for a small minority who have been given top positions as race relations officials and ‚community leaders‘. The overwhelming majority of blacks now face even more desperate conditions than in 1981. In Liverpool 8, the number of unemployed young blacks has doubled since 1981 while in Brixton the number has trebled.
The lack of any real changes to the conditions of blacks after 1981 inevitably paved the way for a continuing growth of militancy and the almost unavoidable repetition of street disturbances. Unlike the USA there is no black middle class to absorb black discontent or to divert blacks away from the kind of militant struggles seen in Newham and Bradford.
Nevertheless, the Tories have pumped millions into supporting a network of black ‚community leaders‘ to ‚police‘ the black communities, in the same way as the right wing Labour leaders‘ attempt to police the labour movement. It was noticeable that Thatcher and co were to quick to call on the so-called ‚community leaders‘ to ‚restore order‘ during the 1985 disturbances.
But these leaders lack credibility. They do not have the authority to prevent spontaneous movements on the streets. In fact after the Cherry Groce shooting in Brixton, the first stone was actually thrown when black ‚leaders‘ went onto the steps of Brixton police station to appeal for ‚calm‘.
However, the idea of creating a black middle class has come to the fore once more. The Church of England and the Tory wets have joined the chorus for ‚reform‘ in the inner cities. The Home Office has raised the idea of combatting racial discrimination in private sector employment through the introduction of a system of contracts compliance for firms who win government contracts.
State prepared for future conflicts
This proposal could have some limited effect, though it would not stem the tide of black unemployment. Yet, even a small measure such as this has already run into serious opposition from elements within the Tory party.
While the ruling class are prepared to entertain the idea of introducing token reforms, they also recognise the realities of the capitalist crisis, which compels them to maintain the attacks on the living standards of the working class. The Tories cannot offer a solution to the problems of working class whites, let alone blacks.
This is why the main strategy of the Thatcher government has been to prepare the state apparatus for dealing with those sections of the working class who are forced into struggle. And, as one of the most militant ‚detachments of the working class, black workers inevitably find themselves in the frontline of the Tory fire. Since coming to power, the Thatcher government has consciously strengthened the immigration and nationality laws which are used to cow the black population. The new police powers were partly designed for immediate use against blacks, and at a later stage against all workers who enter into struggle, as in the case of the miners.
Plastic bullets, CS gas, water cannon and specially equipped vehicles– these are the weapons the police are now preparing to unleash in the future.
The crisis of capitalism will lead to a worsening of the conditions facing blacks, and this in turn will open up the prospect in the long term of major street conflicts. Rising unemployment and poverty could drive an ever-increasing number of blacks towards blind despair. Areas like Liverpool 8 and parts of Brixton could develop into no-go areas in the event of serious racial conflict.
Of course, any development in this direction would be disastrous, Yet, the only way this prospect for the future can be avoided is through the intervention of the labour movement. The overwhelming majority of blacks now look towards the labour movement. But if, during the course of future battles, the Labour leaders fail to offer a way out then this instinctive class solidarity could ultimately give way to cynicism and despair.
Prospects under Labour
The role of the next Labour government will be crucial. By mobilising the working class to carry through a thoroughgoing programme of socialist measures to tackle poverty and mass unemployment the basis would be laid for eradicating racism through united class action to change society.
If on the other hand, the next Labour government fails to show a way forward, then the inevitable disillusionment and demoralisation which would follow would open the way for the growth of racist tendencies such as that which faced the last Labour government in the mid 1970s – only much worse. A position could open up similar to the present situation in France, where the Mitterand government has capitulated under the pressure of an orchestrated racist campaign waged by the French right.
The extent of the retreat by the French government was recently demonstrated when the Prime Minister, Laurent Fabius, suggested that he and the right wing Gaullist leader, Chirac, held roughly the same views on immigration. According to the Times (2 December 1985) Fabius then „recounted with pride how the government had expelled 12,000 illegal immigrants and turned back a further 40,000 from France’s frontiers; this year, he went on, it had induced some 45,000 immigrants to leave France by offering them generous repatriation grants.“
Without a clear programme of socialist action, a future Labour government under Kinnock could well go down the same road. The disastrous experience of the Labour governments of the 1960’s and 1970’s could be repeated all over again. By failing to act decisively to change society, these Labour governments bowed to the pressure of the monopolies, reneged on their manifesto commitments and ended up carrying through a programme of counter-reforms.
In the process of retreating, Labour created a climate of disillusion and despair which opened the way for the growth of reactionary moods and the temporary rise of groups like the National Front.
The Mitterand Government
While the formation of a mass Fascist party on the lines of the 1930’s is now ruled out an openly racist movement would probably develop around the Bonapartist wing of the Tory Party. Such a movement would represent a far more serious threat to the labour movement because it would give racist ideas a new respectability. A pro-monarchist and openly racist wing of the Tory Party would not necessarily be tarnished with the Hitlerite image of the fascist splinter groups.
Under conditions which could give rise to this kind of grouping, the ruling class, seizing on the opportunity of a Labour government in retreat, could unleash a racist campaign aimed at dividing the working class. The press could whip up a hysterical campaign blaming blacks for the rising crime rate, and for unemployment, poor housing and inadequate welfare services for whites. This in turn would generate a significant rise in racial discrimination and violence, and inevitably a Labour government would once again bow under pressure for action against the so-called „immigrants“.
Far from repealing the immigration and nationality laws, a future Labour government which failed to break with capitalism, like its predecessors, would be forced to tighten these laws. It should not be forgotten that it was right wing ministers in previous Labour governments who prepared the way for the various immigration and nationality acts which were subsequently passed by the Tories.
During the period of the last Labour government, for instance, a number of Labour MPs, including Sid Bidwell, supported a Select Committee report which called for a tough crack down on so-called “illegal” immigrants, including the possible introduction of identity cards for blacks.
The French government under Mitterand has been forced to retreat on its commitments to blacks and the working class generally, even though it has operated under far more favourable economic conditions than will be the case for the next Labour government in Britain. The choice for Labour in Britain will be even more stark. The virtual collapse of the country’s manufacturing base means that the next Labour government will have the choice of either implementing socialist measures, or of capitulating to the monopolies and retreating once again.
But retreat would lead to disillusion among workers generally and, in particular, would open up the danger of a layer of blacks being repelled from the labour movement. A climb down on immigration, for example, would drive sections of blacks away from the Labour Party.
Socialist measures to fight racism
The present Black Sections movement has found virtually no support among black workers because the overwhelming majority of blacks, including the youth, understand the need for class unity. But this could change. The incipient development of black separatism within the Labour Party in advance of Labour coming to power should serve as a warning to the Labour leaders of the dangers for the future.
The weakness of the labour movement in the USA has led to a partial revival of black separatism, mainly grouped around the pro-capitalist black Muslim leader, Louis Farrakhan
A similar situation could develop here, albeit in a different form. The failure of the Labour leaders to offer a way forward could reinforce the semi-nationalist tendencies which are apparent within the Black Sections movement. If the Black Sections became a constituent part of the Labour Party, then they would almost certainly split away in a period when a Labour government was in retreat.
The labour movement cannot afford to be complacent. While opposing the setting up of separate sections for blacks, the Marxists have always explained the need for the labour movement to champion the cause of the most oppressed sections of the working class. The Labour Party cannot take the electoral support of blacks for granted. The Labour leaders must take an unequivocal stand against all forms of racism, There must be a clear commitment to tackle the special problems which black people face. Labour must take special measures to recruit blacks, including the formation of anti-racist committees which could spearhead the fight against racism in every area.
These measures must be linked to a wider programme of socialist action to tackle the root causes of racism which breeds on the despair created by mass unemployment and poverty. The ideas of Marxism and a genuine commitment for socialist change will win the whole-hearted support of every section of the black community. Once they become convinced that Labour has a serious commitment to change society, black workers will rally to the banner of socialism.
The building of class unity around a socialist programme is one of the most urgent tasks for Marxists within the labour movement. By winning black workers to the banner of Marxism, it will be possible to lay the basis for the building of a movement that can cut across racial divisions and really open up the way to change society.
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