[Socialism Today, No 12, October 1996, p. 10]
The killing continues in Burundi. After three years of ‘low-level’ civil war in which around 150,000 have died, the country is slipping towards full-scale genocide.
The latest cycle of violence began with the massacre of 350 Tutsis on 20 July at Bugendena, by Hutu militias. Less than a week later Pierre Buyoya, a Tutsi and Burundi’s ex-dictator who had been forced to step down in 1993, seized power from the elected Hutu president. Hopes that the hardline Tutsi elite who dominate the government and armed forces might concede power-sharing with the Hutu majority were shattered. An estimated 6,000 were killed in the next three weeks, including 4,000 Hutu civilians.
Full-scale civil war in Burundi could destabilise the whole region. Already the conflict in Rwanda had heightened ethnic violence in neighbouring countries. In Masisi, in northern Zaire, for example, Hutu militias have been driving out all other ethnic groups in an attempt to create an ethnic Hutu homeland. Also the practical problems of hosting millions of Rwandan refugees has put an incredible strain on the region; neighbouring governments don’t want another influx so seven East African countries, including Zaire, Kenya, Tanzania and Rwanda, have banned oil shipments, lorries and all commercial flights to and from Burundi, in an attempt to force Tutsi hardliners into a compromise.
A combination of the Hutu rebels’ military strength and the pressure of sanctions has forced Buyoya to announce the unbanning of political parties. However, the constitution is still suspended, which gives Buyoya’s clique complete control, at least over the areas not taken by rebel forces. Even if Buyoya’s room to manoeuvre is limited, no amount of sanctions or international pressure can remove the root cause of Burundi’s crisis.
The problem for the capitalists is that they have no solution to the ethnic tensions which haunt Africa and many other parts of the world: look at Somalia and Bosnia. In fact the capitalist powers have historically relied on them to divide and rule.
European colonialism used existing ethnic divisions in what is now Rwanda and Burundi right from the beginning. Like Rwanda, Burundi is approximately 80% Hutu, 15% Tutsi and 5% Twa. The countries were split in 1959-60 by Belgian imperialism, when it became obvious that a Hutu revolt in the North was winning. Belgium switched support from the Tutsi elite to Hutu rebels and set up Rwanda; while in Burundi they continued to back Tutsi rule.
“European rulers used existing ethnic divisions in what is now Rwanda and Burundi right from the start”
In Rwanda the large-scale massacres of the 1990-1994 civil war have stopped. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), which defeated the Hutu-dominated regime, has succeeded in bringing Hutu politicians into their government. However, they have failed to convince millions of Hutus that they are not just a Tutsi force aiming to establish minority rule. In the refugee camps especially, where the defeated Rwandan army and Hutu militias have been whipping up anti-Tutsi hatred and fear in order to maintain their base of support, Hutus are terrified that if they return they will be massacred by the RPF.
Given the history of the area, the shaky stability which exists in Rwanda now will be temporary. But the crisis in Burundi has the potential to be far worse, and possibly drag Rwanda down with it. The Rwandan conflict has polarised Burundi. Defeated Hutu militias from Rwanda have joined the rebels in Burundi, while (unlike the Tutsi leaders of the RPF) the Tutsi elite in Burundi are not prepared to compromise on power-sharing with the Hutu majority. They have a keen interest in protecting their privileged position, but also fear that if they loosen their grip on power they will be massacred by Hutu militias.
A cross-ethnic opposition is desperately needed in Burundi. But to have any hope of succeeding in the long term, such a movement must be based on opposition to capitalism and imperialism. Under a system based on class exploitation, mass poverty and divide-and-rule, it will be hard to convince the Tutsi population that they won’t be massacred if they share power, or convince the Hutus that their democratic and material aspirations can be achieved without driving the Tutsis out.
As long as it stays in the grip of imperialism and capitalism, African blood will continue to run in rivers.
Naomi Byron
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